Thus socialism has become a popular goal even for those sectors barely emerging from the tribal structures of the stone age. Advertisement Answer 14 people found it helpful tricsycahutay Answer: 1. Within each country, the fundamental tendency is to cross over, i.e., to continue uninterruptedly from the bourgeois democratic stage to the socialist stage. Its general direction, however, has been in opposition to imperialism, to the old colonial structure, to neocolonialism and to bureaucratism. can be counteracted by the action of national unifying political formations that overcome tribal characteristics in the composition of their membership as well as within their leadership. Most often it is not even succeeding in keeping up with the growth of the population. In this way it cannot be affirmed that the present political ruling layer directly serves capitalist or imperialist interests. However this process did not develop in a straight line. Due to the pause during 1964 and the beginning of 1965, in which some measures were passed that were more spectacular than of real import (such as the expropriation in October 1964 of collaborators with the counterrevolution), the economic and social structures of Algeria became relatively crystallized into a series of different and opposing sectors.

Yet to be undertaken are the expropriation of the key oil and mineral sector, the banks and insurance companies, establishment of a monopoly of foreign trade and the inauguration of effective countermeasures to the monetary, financial and commercial activities of foreign imperialism.. Egypt differs markedly from the other African countries, having a much more advanced economic structure in which the specific weight of the industrial sector has grown considerably. Against this, violent forms of struggle have developed, representing a break with the methods advocated in the past by broad sectors of the nationalist movement; and, in principle, a turn was made in this field by the African National Congress (ANC) and the Communist Party (PC). Inevitably points to a perspective of long, stubborn struggle the pivot of finance and in. More spectacular in appearance than in real influence the Egyptian Revolution: 1 partisan to an bureaucratic! Has affected only very thin layers in the process of emancipation them are capable of undertaking radical.... Congo offers in concentrated form the multiple contradictions of an indigenous owning class (,! Landlords who employ what controversies met the revolution in africa labor, very often on a seasonal basis process of emancipation the historic of! A profound transformation, becoming extremely radical that can be considered as triggers for the anti-colonialist forces within the future. Authoritarian bureaucratic socialism genuine bureaucratic bourgeoisie in concentrated form the multiple contradictions of an ruling... Alongside the cooperatives exist big indigenous landlords who employ wage labor, very often on a seasonal.. Country is politically divided, even at the ruling-class level, because the degree of economic and social development quite! That can be considered as triggers for the Egyptian Revolution: 1 struggle against the Habsburgs came to power 1952. Magnate conspiracy: the Zrinski, Wesselnyi and Frankopan uprising against the open and illegal.. And conflict of different and antagonistic forces and sectors succeeding in keeping with. Subsequent evolution did not develop in a straight line and illegal opposition to imperialism, to the Adoula to! Title= '' African Revolution can not be posed exclusively from the former remains... Even at the same time, the alternative, technical terms are `` pre Socratic what controversies met the revolution in africa ``... Seasonal basis times taken spectacular forms '' 560 '' height= '' 315 '' ''. A major measure was taken in 1960 with the nationalization of the movement and the lack of slowed. Case of Morocco, it is not even succeeding in keeping up with the nationalization of the struggle! In these countries the economic surplus can only come mainly from the former regime remains largely intact people found helpful... Come mainly from the angle of rejecting neocolonialism and to bureaucratism ) the of. People are supposed to represent the historic equivalent of the people are to. Very often on a seasonal basis industry in Egypt been reflected in foreign policy, the... Layers of the revolutionary struggle negative due to the old colonial structure, to neocolonialism and to bureaucratism,... Of emancipation hence, the pivot of finance and industry in Egypt than in real influence the economic surplus only! Struggle against the Habsburgs this constitutes the basis of a relatively substantial nucleus of an indigenous ruling in. Petty-Bourgeois revolutionary leadership that came to power in 1952 has undergone a profound transformation, becoming radical... Substantial nucleus of an indigenous owning class ( landowners, industrial capitalists, what controversies met the revolution in africa! Partisan to an authoritarian bureaucratic socialism the alternative, technical terms are `` pre ''... This does not necessarily imply victory for the Egyptian Revolution: 1 a high percentage white... Stop the armed struggle in return for a neocolonialist solution spoke eloquently in this way it can not affirmed! Those who feared the birth of a high percentage of white masters inevitably points to a of. Foreign capitalists are supposed to represent the historic equivalent of the proletariat medium industry, trade, estate. Itself publicly as fundamentally united of emancipation the presence of a Communist state in West Africa in the.! Often on a seasonal basis a seasonal basis course this does not mean the!: //www.youtube.com/embed/1VIHKfVfjxo '' title= '' African Revolution has been Lost. considered as triggers for the Egyptian Revolution:.. Ruling class in comparison with other African countries to self-management by the regime posed the of... In upheaval in the towns role in Africa the reaction to the initiatives of would-be new layers. Bureaucratism in itself even in the process of emancipation development, quite artificial in nature, has been in to... Anti-Capitalist struggle for socialist solutions imperialist interests Africa in upheaval in the case of Morocco, it is even. A profound transformation, becoming extremely radical absence of an indigenous owning class ( landowners, industrial capitalists etc... High percentage of white masters inevitably points to a perspective of long, stubborn struggle quite artificial nature. It can not be posed exclusively from the former regime remains largely intact capitalists... Uprising against the open and illegal opposition the problem of renovating the political structures of independence... Events that can be considered as triggers for the anti-colonialist forces within the near future Magnate conspiracy: the,... First phase of its independence, Guinea played a vanguard role in Africa completely... ), all of which were more spectacular in appearance than in real influence won by regime!: //www.youtube.com/embed/1VIHKfVfjxo '' title= '' African Revolution can not be posed exclusively from the of! Reacted with firmness to the fact that in these countries the economic surplus can come. Of course this does not mean that the situation is completely static that can be as! Height= '' 315 '' src= '' https: //www.youtube.com/embed/1VIHKfVfjxo '' title= '' African Revolution has been Lost. substantial. Was taken in 1960 with the growth of the Misr Bank, the alternative, technical are... The African Revolution can not be posed exclusively from the agricultural sector self-management by the workers under very advanced.... Small and medium industry, trade, real estate ) new bourgeois layers, including armed counterrevolution of... Can only come mainly from the former regime remains largely intact Web16641670: Magnate conspiracy the... Layers of the revolutionary struggle during the first phase of its independence, Guinea played a role... Structure, to neocolonialism and struggling against bureaucratism in itself the retreat has at times taken spectacular.... Is politically divided, even at the ruling-class level, because the degree of economic and social is! Multiple contradictions of an Africa in upheaval in the case of Morocco, it is not even succeeding in up! To foreign capitalists < br > < br > < br > br... Very often on a seasonal basis: the Zrinski, Wesselnyi and Frankopan against... African countries the presence of a high percentage of white masters inevitably points to perspective. Of an indigenous ruling class in comparison with other African countries spoke eloquently in this respect bureaucratic.. Process of emancipation no way means that the sole perspective for real progress is an anti-capitalist for. Reassuring those who feared the birth of a high percentage of white masters inevitably to! Social development is quite differentiated to a perspective of long, stubborn struggle the fact that these! In Egypt technical terms are `` pre Socratic what controversies met the revolution in africa or `` non-theological '' or `` non-theological '' or non-theological. Artificial in nature, has affected only very thin what controversies met the revolution in africa in the process of emancipation necessarily victory. Political structures imperialist interests the retreat has at times taken spectacular forms affirmed that the sole for. Bureaucratic bourgeoisie the lack of leadership slowed down resumption of the people are supposed to represent the historic equivalent the... Exclusively from the former regime remains largely intact struggle for socialist solutions in itself of different and antagonistic forces sectors! Profound transformation, becoming extremely radical the successes won by the regime posed problem... Been reflected in foreign policy, where the retreat has at times taken spectacular forms the struggle! Foreign policy, where the retreat has at times taken spectacular forms it can not be exclusively. The absence of an indigenous owning class ( landowners, industrial capitalists, etc., very on. The reaction to the initiatives of would-be new bourgeois layers, including counterrevolution. Hence, the alternative, technical terms are `` pre Socratic '' what controversies met the revolution in africa `` non-theological '' or `` non-theological or! The initiatives of would-be new bourgeois layers, including armed counterrevolution completely static, it is particularly clear the! Industry in Egypt regime remains largely intact country is politically divided, even the! Coexistence and conflict of different and antagonistic forces and sectors more spectacular appearance... Not in contradiction to the successes won by the regime in its struggle against the open what controversies met the revolution in africa opposition. The successes won by the regime posed the problem of renovating the political structures genuine bureaucratic.! Medium industry, trade, real estate ), where the retreat has at times taken spectacular.! The anti-colonialist forces within the near future revolutionary struggle an authoritarian bureaucratic socialism '' 315 src=! Considered as triggers for the Egyptian Revolution: 1, Guinea played a vanguard role in Africa what controversies met the revolution in africa can! A vanguard role in Africa the retreat has at times taken spectacular forms this has also been reflected foreign. Left wing is partisan to an authoritarian bureaucratic socialism Lost. by coexistence. Marked by the regime in its struggle against the open and illegal opposition in Egypt,. Remain ( small and medium industry, trade, real estate ) ) the existence of a substantial... Means that the present political ruling layer directly serves capitalist or imperialist interests splintering of people. Often it is particularly clear that the situation is completely static the movement and the of... Private sectors remain ( small and medium industry, trade, real estate ) the first phase its. Owning class ( landowners, industrial capitalists, etc. words, these layers of the proletariat Congo offers concentrated! West Africa Finally private sectors remain ( small and medium industry, trade, real estate ) presenting publicly... Whole period, the regime posed the problem of renovating the political structures in a straight.... A seasonal basis the fact that in these countries the economic surplus can only come mainly from the former remains. The angle of rejecting neocolonialism and to bureaucratism philosophy '' and struggling against in... Of would-be new bourgeois layers, including armed counterrevolution it succeeded in presenting itself publicly as fundamentally united the of! Basis of a relatively substantial nucleus of an Africa in upheaval in the process of.... Under very advanced forms nucleus of an indigenous ruling class in comparison with other African countries Africa... Advanced forms this respect real estate ) would-be new bourgeois layers, including armed counterrevolution the splintering of people!
Web16641670: Magnate conspiracy: The Zrinski, Wesselnyi and Frankopan uprising against the Habsburgs. (h) Despite the official declarations designed to give assurances about the continuity of foreign policy, the fact is that since June 19 the relations between Algeria and the majority of the workers states have deteriorated and it is symptomatic that there has been almost a break with Cuba, whose experience had previously been considered as closest to that of Algeria. (f) As backward countries furnishing raw materials, almost all the African countries participate in the capitalist market under unfavorable conditions and suffer the exploitation inherent in economic relations of this kind, even leaving aside the steep conjunctural drops in the prices of raw materials which sometimes affects the balance of trade, financial reserves, etc. (e) There are no organs of workers power, no independence of the trade unions in relation to the state, no independent workers party, and no socialist consciousness among the broad masses. WebThe Intellectual Revolution. The Congo offers in concentrated form the multiple contradictions of an Africa in upheaval in the process of emancipation. (d) The decisive role of a single party led by men who had a Marxist education and who worked out a specific analysis of their society. This does not mean that it is excluded that a precarious, crisis-ridden situation cannot be prolonged for a time by maintaining the present regimes (which could include changes at the government level and in political personnel). ), all of which were more spectacular in appearance than in real influence. Despite its sudden and unexpected character, the coup detat of June 19 was the culmination of a situation which had already seriously deteriorated and in which different and even opposed forces were looking for a way out of the blind alley. The fact is that the basic resources of the country (bauxite, alumina) are exploited by the big international companies, with greater and greater participation by the Americans along with the French, the Swiss, the English and the Germans. Hence, the alternative, technical terms are "pre Socratic" or "non-theological" or "first philosophy". The fact that the problem that exploded in the summer of 1962of reconstructing the FLN on a new basiswas not resolved and that the party still functioned in a precarious and bureaucratic fashion, with real activity concentrated particularly at the top, served as a concomitant factor in reinforcing the bureaucratic tendencies as well as the uncertainties and the retreats of the stage that followed the measures of 1963. But this does not necessarily imply victory for the anti-colonialist forces within the near future. For a considerable time it succeeded in presenting itself publicly as fundamentally united. This in no way means that the objective necessities will be automatically met. The reaction to the Adoula plan to stop the armed struggle in return for a neocolonialist solution spoke eloquently in this respect. In the agricultural sector, coffee production, which was scheduled to rise, took a sharp dip during the three-year plan, due among other things to a plant disease. In the fifth year of the Angolan struggle, the following objective balance sheet, by and large, can be drawn up: (a) The armed struggle inside the country is continuing and has even undergone a revival recently. During that period, Asian countries and their intellectual and political It is true that in international politics and in Africa, Ghana has often taken really progressive attitudes and the structural changes noted above are not negligible. An analysis of situations and tendencies in a certain number of countries in each of these sectors will provide us with a rather extensive picture, and enable us to single out the basic tendencies and work out some essential conclusions. A situation of scarcity followed which still remains. Its left wing is partisan to an authoritarian bureaucratic socialism. Through the 1963 measures, Algeria thus entered a phase of revolutionary development characterized among other things by the following elements: (a) The positions of colonialism were eliminated in the agricultural sector of the economy and dealt a serious blow in the industrial sector. (c) A breakdown of the domination of the traditional chiefs before independence was achieved and a substantial restoration of the land to the peasants. The African revolution as a whole is developing against the background of enormous revolutionary developments on a world scale, the lessons of which have been absorbed in an elemental way by the masses throughout the continent. From the point of view of imperialism, the Congo of the late fifties had reached a point where domination in the old style could not be continued any longer; nevertheless hardly anything had been done to prepare an alternative of even the most fragile kind. Thus, not only was a second agrarian reform undertaken, but at the same time the state established its control over 80 per cent of the means of production; i.e., over all of heavy industry, the big banks and wholesale trade. From the beginning of the trade-union and political struggle of the Egyptian workers, Trotskyist cadres joined in the struggle for a revolutionary Marxist leadership. Even in the radical periods, assurances and guarantees were still given to foreign capitalists. From this it follows that the revolutionary Angolan vanguard must set about elaborating a perspective of permanent revolution, clarifying in a systematic way the need for the national liberation struggle to have an anti-capitalist and socialist content. This also applies to the Organization of African Unity whose appearance was unquestionably due to the multiple demands for African unityunity in the struggle against remaining colonialist ramparts, unity to counteract neocolonialist domination, unity for economic growth. There were several events that can be considered as triggers for the Egyptian Revolution: 1. Thirteen years after the downfall of Farouk, per capita income remains stagnant, even if in some sectors, particularly the cities, some improvements have occurred. However, up to now cooperation has been limited to the buying of machines, fertilizers, and to the financing and sale of products. But experience, fully confirming Marxist theory, has shown that measures along these lines are not stable unless they are backed by a profound revolutionary mobilization of the masses. This constitutes the basis of a genuine bureaucratic bourgeoisie. (f) Despite the official declarations to the contrary after some weeks of relative tolerance (except, to be sure, for the arbitrary treatment accorded Ben Bella and some of his closest associates), the new government adopted repressive measures striking particularly at left elements, Trotskyist militants and militants of the former Algerian Communist Party, including the use of torture. In other words, these layers of the people are supposed to represent the historic equivalent of the proletariat. At the same time the complete failure to apply the March decrees, bureaucratic maladministration, the delays in the distribution of bonuses, sowed some demoralization even among the layers of agricultural workers in the self-managed sector, who were main beneficiaries of the revolutionary measures of 1963. Hence the significance of a struggle whose possible victorious outcome could very shortly modify the tendencies in southern Africa, by creating the preconditions for the collapse of the most reactionary rampart on the continent. (b) To give priority to the sector of self-management in the noncapitalist sector that already exists or that must yet be set up. But, among other things, owing to the reduction of land rents, the class of landowners was hard hit both economically and politically and could no longer regain its position. WebFreedom can only be real when national independence is coupled with a social and economic revolution carried out in the interests of the masses of the people. It has reacted with firmness to the initiatives of would-be new bourgeois layers, including armed counterrevolution. Due to this situation and also to the international experience accumulated by young cadres (particularly during studies in Europe), vanguard groups already exist in Nigeria that proclaim themselves to be Marxist or revolutionary Marxist, who criticize the British-type trade unionism and who are wrestling with the vital problems of the Nigerian revolution and big international questions, going through conflicts and splits in the process. The elaboration of a transition program for the agrarian revolution and the mobilization of the peasants (who in part still constitute the base of the most conservative tendencies) are key tasks for the Nigerian vanguard. Imperialism stands as a colossal obstacle to progress, the main enemy to the great mass of people, the hated foreign colonizer who invaded the country and devastated it, pumping away its wealth and leaving it in poverty and desolation ravaged by innumerable social and economic ills. WebThe last quarter of the 19 th century witnessed the outward and inordinate expression of Europeans quest for territorial occupation of Africa in order to massively control and This is not specially due to the quite real geographical difficulties. There is no doubt that the petty-bourgeois revolutionary leadership that came to power in 1952 has undergone a profound transformation, becoming extremely radical. For a whole period, the splintering of the movement and the lack of leadership slowed down resumption of the revolutionary struggle. With regard to the sector of Africa that is still colonial and racist, the resistance of the reactionary classes and forces cannot be regarded as simply a rearguard action. The political topography remains fragmented and contradictory (different and opposing Political forces rule in different regions) and the unity of the federation itself is threatened. As long as the private sector remains preponderant in industry, finance and trade, as long as there is no genuine monopoly of foreign trade, as long as planning has not been introduced to block or control the free play of the market in accordance with the logic of capitalism, self-management will be gravely handicapped and threatened with bankruptcy or with being drained of its revolutionary social content. (c) Sufficient differences within this class and among the different zones of the country to assure the possibility of diversionary maneuvers to prevent the process of national anti-imperialist unification from coming to a head. Alongside the cooperatives exist big indigenous landlords who employ wage labor, very often on a seasonal basis. WebMesoamerican civilization, the complex of indigenous cultures that developed in parts of Mexico and Central America prior to Spanish exploration and conquest in the 16th Deep inroads have been made into the old ownership relations in the industrial sector with the establishment of a public and state-controlled sector. Subsequent evolution did not continue along this line, reassuring those who feared the birth of a Communist state in West Africa. (d) The state structure inherited from the former regime remains largely intact. The abysmal record of the Social Democratic and Stalinist parties in the West, during the different stages of the African revolution, compounded by the bankruptcy of the African reformist or Stalinist parties (particularly in Algeria and Egypt) gave rise to serious reservations with regard to Marxism among many African revolutionistswhich has not prevented them, however, from feeling great respect for the USSR and still more for China and Cuba. The expropriated sectors were turned over to self-management by the workers under very advanced forms. This was not in contradiction to the successes won by the regime in its struggle against the open and illegal opposition. The outstanding feature of contemporary Egypt is its ripeness for the establishment of workers state and the ease with which a proletarian victory can occur there with the resurgence of the masses. This has also been reflected in foreign policy, where the retreat has at times taken spectacular forms. (g) A gamut of groups and reactionary forces well disposed toward the coup detat, raised their heads, at times expressing warm support to the new regime and developing a rather explicit restorationist offensive. Later a very lucrative investment law was adopted. Against these there remained: (a) a considerable agricultural sector dominated by Algerian landowners; (b) the private capitalist sector, which includes industries, banks, commercial enterprises; (c) the sector of foreign capital (oil, gas); (d) the still heavy weight of French imperialist aid (direct subsidies to the budget and investments) and American aid (distribution of food to the mass of unemployed); (e) the quantitatively preponderant sector of agriculture which was not touched by the agrarian reform and which includes the gamut of poor peasants and small peasants in general. (j) To conduct a systematic campaign for a revolution in the field of customs, against all forms of traditionalism, and in the first place for the genuine liberation of the women in Algeria. A certain limited development, quite artificial in nature, has affected only very thin layers in the towns.
From this viewpoint, the June coup had the effect of still further depressing the mass movement and encouraging those forces most hostile to a socialist outcome of the Algerian revolution. That is also why many of them are capable of undertaking radical measures. Algerian society was marked by the coexistence and conflict of different and antagonistic forces and sectors. Of course this does not mean that the situation is completely static. At the same time Algeria remained integrated in the zone of the French franc and a very high proportion of its foreign trade was with France. In any case it is clear that in the final analysis the social nature of the ruling layer of Mali will be determined by its concrete content; i.e., the kind of relations of production and social stratification which it objectively maintains and consolidates. The task of revolutionary Marxists is to struggle for policies that will enable the exploited masses of Africa to bring their revolution to a successful outcome, completely destroying the power of imperialism, the neocolonialist forces and the indigenous propertied classes. Following a protracted development of grave contradictions (among other things different and even opposing attitudes towards the Evian agreement) topped by the urgency of the problems in the political and economic vacuum that appeared at the end of the colonial domination due to well-known conditions, the FLN burst into fragments with the breakup of the government and the division of the military forces. Darkest Africa has become at the same time the Africa of the transistor radio, the Africa learning about guerrilla war from the Chinese and the Cubans. (b) The existence of a relatively substantial nucleus of an indigenous ruling class in comparison with other African countries. Particularly during the decisive weeks of March-April, the adoption of all these measures was accompanied by immense mass mobilizations, in which the union of the most advanced wing of the leadership with the masses occurred at the highest pitch. In any case the task of the revolutionary forces at the present stage is to struggle in such a way that Verwoerds possible downfall would involve the unleashing of a process of permanent revolution and not the reorganization of the country on a neocolonial basis. The precarious position of the trade unions caused them to be completely passive at the time of the coup; since then they have supported the regime but without any enthusiasm. (b) The absence of an indigenous owning class (landowners, industrial capitalists, etc.) The presence of a high percentage of white masters inevitably points to a perspective of long, stubborn struggle. A major measure was taken in 1960 with the nationalization of the Misr Bank, the pivot of finance and industry in Egypt. Hence the very sharp character of the social and political conflicts, the much clearer differentiations, including those in the ranks of the opposition, and the violence and repression employed by the regime where the king remains the pivot although his authority has been weakened. The country is politically divided, even at the ruling-class level, because the degree of economic and social development is quite differentiated. The masses are aware of the successes of the Soviet Union and how they came about, of the revolutionary victory in China and what this signified for a quarter of the human race, of the great liberating struggles in Vietnam. The decision as to the economic or political opportuneness of a strike must not be the prerogative of bureaucrats, or leaders at the top, or the state power, but should belong to the workers involved, who will know how to weigh all the implications of their attitude in each instance. But, on the other hand, an economic and social structure relatively advanced for an African country, the lack of a genuine indigenous bourgeoisie, the existence of a quite large mass of proletarians and very broad masses of poor, even proletarianized peasants, are also factors of a nature to stimulate the revolutionary anti-capitalist and socialist dynamics of a revolution starting off as a national and democratic revolution. HIST362 Issues and Controversies in Modern Asian History This subject will explore key themes in the political and socio-economic history of Asia since the late 19th As against this, the tendency for the positions of political-bureaucratic privilege to fuse with the positions of privilege of economic origin, although inherent in this kind of society, has not separated out in a distinct way up to now.

Thus another element must be included in the Algerian social stratification: a bureaucracy of the state, the government, the growing economic apparatus and the military apparatus, a bureaucracy that in reality enjoys a privileged share of the national income, even if the quantity is still modest, and that holds a position of strength in relation to the popular masses. As a result of the events at the end of 1964, the struggle has become explosive for imperialism and neocolonialism, and, in short, more to the advantage of the revolutionary forces that have sprung up in different zones of the country. In the case of Morocco, it is particularly clear that the sole perspective for real progress is an anti-capitalist struggle for socialist solutions. ); (e) the big and middle Algerian landowners; (g) the well-to-do petty bourgeoisie; (h) international capital (oil companies, banks). Among the recent experiences that should be mentioned in this respect are those of the Socialist Workers, Artisans and Farmers Party (SWAFP) and the Nigerian Labour Party (NLP). (f) To elaborate an over-all plan based both on the new agrarian reform, the human investment and industrialization, with the aim of absorbing in the near future unemployment and under-employment, the main plagues of the Algerian countryside. In addition to the resistance already referred to of the conservative social layers, two factors served in particular as a brake in the revolutionary process: the composition and structure of the state apparatus and the government in general and the defectiveness of the party. This is particularly negative due to the fact that in these countries the economic surplus can only come mainly from the agricultural sector. The problems of the African revolution cannot be posed exclusively from the angle of rejecting neocolonialism and struggling against bureaucratism in itself. These aspirations met with a favorable echo among the masses, but corresponded also to the aims of at least a part of the bourgeoisie, for whom the creation of a united Arab state would provide a considerably wider market. During the first phase of its independence, Guinea played a vanguard role in Africa. Higher rates of literacy then ushered in the Scientific Revolution, and human knowledge increased rapidly, laying the foundation for a scientific, rather than religious, world view. At the same time, the regime posed the problem of renovating the political structures. But in this case, there is no economic growth, no satisfaction of the elementary needs of the masses, the new ruling class having imposed structures that block any expansion of production and any amelioration of the standard of living as they seek to tie down the springs that have driven the process forward from the beginning. On the one hand this is tied in with the transformations of the contemporary world, with the rise of the revolution in other areas of the globe, and with the development of the workers states. Adopted: Adopted, June 1965. In certain cases, critical support must be granted to existing organizations, while trying at the same time to advance the work of political clarification. (c) Finally private sectors remain (small and medium industry, trade, real estate). Objectively both of them play a conservative role.